CIVICUS discusses the recent protests in Iran with Sohrab Razaghi, executive director of Volunteer Activists, a Netherlands-based diaspora organization that empowers Iranian civil society.
On December 28, protests sparked by economic grievances broke out across Iran, quickly developing into broader protests against the regime. The crackdown that followed resulted in what could possibly be the cause greatest massacre in modern Iranian history.
What prompted the protests, and how did they differ from previous ones?
Rising prices and the collapse of the national currency initially led to protests, but these soon expanded beyond economic grievances. This is at least partly because economics is no longer seen as a purely technical matter, but as a measure of the state’s ability to govern. A central question among social groups now is whether the government can manage crises and provide sustainable solutions.
The anger has built up, reflecting broken promises and lost futures. In the last thirty years there have been four major waves of protests – in 2009, 2017, 2019 And 2022 – faced repression, denial or superficial reforms. This pattern has produced a strong sense of humiliation and political voicelessness.
But perhaps the most decisive factor in the latest wave of protests has been the role of Generation Z, a generation that did not experience the 1979 revolution or the war with Iraq and does not have the ideological ties of previous generations. The dividing line is not just age, but also expectations, lifestyles and values. While previous generations hoped for gradual reforms within the system, many young people now see no viable future within the current framework. For them, the most rational responses to what they see as a structural dead end are withdrawal, migration or radical protest.
Recent protests, especially those of January 8 and 9, have also reflected shifts in protest dynamics, with higher levels of violence evident in both rhetoric and practice. This escalation likely reflects built-up frustration and political impasse, but does not necessarily indicate that the state has been weakened. The security forces so far appear coherent and operationally effective, with no obvious signs of fragmentation within the coercive apparatus.
But the increase in violence is worrying for democratic forces and civil society. When violent tactics become prominent, organized citizen initiatives are marginalized and security-oriented narratives take over, weakening sustainable citizen action.
Moreover, Israeli and American statements expressing support for demonstrators and threatening military action had contradictory and largely negative effects.
While such rhetoric initially raised hope among some protesters, the lack of follow-up created disillusionment and skepticism. Most importantly, statements from foreign governments, including Israel and the US, reinforced the regime’s narrative. They enabled the authorities to do this framing protests as products of foreign interference and protesters as tools of external powers, including claims of Mossad agent involvement. This story was very useful in justifying securitization and repression.
How have civil society and the media documented human rights abuses during the internet shutdown?
During near-total internet outages, local and community groups played a crucial role. They recorded the time and location of incidents, collected testimony from multiple sources, and preserved legal, medical, and visual documentation, all while adhering to basic digital security principles.
When limited internet access became available, information was shared securely with international partners and diaspora networks. These networks helped archive data, maintain contact with human rights organizations and the media, and reduce pressure on activists operating in Iran. International human rights organizations then checked and verified the reports before including them in official documentation. Because communication breakdowns, security risks, and limited access to evidence prevented full documentation, they typically presented the numbers of victims and details of the repression in a conservative manner. At the same time, fake news and unsubstantiated numbers of victims are also common in diaspora and international media reports. It is essential to interrogate such reporting to maintain the credibility of fact-checked, evidence-based reports.
Under severe restrictions, independent and evidence-based documentation has been essential to preserve the truth, combat denial, and lay the foundation for future accountability.
What limits the persistent pressure for change?
Recent protests have not extended to broader forms of social organization. The participation of trade unions, local networks and professional associations has remained limited, limiting the scope for sustained institutionalized pressure. Without stronger organizational structures, documenting abuses will not necessarily translate into coordinated social action. Social media-based coordination and mobilization are effective for the initiation and initial phase of protests, but leadership, networks and organizational capacity on the ground are instrumental in sustaining protests and increasing pressure for change.
At the discursive level, much attention has been paid to calls for foreign pressure rather than to building internal coalitions between social groups. In some cases, the rhetoric has focused on state collapse rather than democratic transition, a framework that risks instability and further social fragmentation. The use of profanity and violent language – both within Iran and among the diaspora community – has also alienated families and moderate groups, narrowing rather than broadening support.
Ultimately, for protests to evolve into movements capable of exerting lasting pressure for change, inclusive organization, coalition building, and a unifying narrative are needed.
What should the international community do to strengthen Iranian civil society?
Sustainable change will depend on domestic organizational capacity, leadership and representation, and not on external force. International leaders must therefore avoid war rhetoric and avoid any form of military intervention. Historical experience suggests that even limited foreign military intervention is unlikely to weaken domestic repression. Instead, it could increase regime cohesion, at least in the short term, intensify nationalist sentiment and increase the costs faced by civil society activists, who can easily be portrayed as collaborators and traitors.
In supporting Iranian civil society, international allies should prioritize independent, nonviolent civil society organizations rather than opposition groups that advocate violence. Narratives of ‘collapse at any cost’ marginalize citizen initiatives and undermine the prospects for democratization.
Long-term investments in capacity strengthening are essential. This includes supporting skills in citizen organizing, digital security, democratic advocacy, nonviolent action and secure communications. In recent decades, the resources and repertoires for change within civil society have weakened. Sustained commitment is needed to rebuild these capabilities, with up-to-date resources, techniques and tools.
Monitoring, documentation and evidence-based reporting, based on credible local sources, are among the most effective forms of support. Accurate reporting strengthens the prospects for accountability and limits the scope for propaganda.
Ultimately, lasting democratic change in Iran will depend on the independent action of civil society, rooted in domestic capacities and supported by context-aware, non-interventionist international engagement.
CIVICUS interviews a wide range of activists, experts, and civil society leaders to gather diverse perspectives on civil society actions and current issues for publication on the CIVICUS Lens platform. The views expressed in interviews are those of the interviewees and do not necessarily reflect those of CIVICUS. Publication does not imply approval of the interviewees or the organizations they represent.
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