LONDON, Dec 30 (IPS) – Satellite images showing corpses piled high in El Fasher, North Darfur, awaiting mass burial or cremation as the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) militia tries to hide the extent of his crimes. Up to 150,000 residents of El Fasher are still missing in the city, which was seized by the RSF in November. The lowest estimate is that there are 60,000 dead. The Arab militia has ethnically cleansed the city of its non-Arab residents. The massacre is the latest gruesome episode in the war between the RSF and Sudanese forces, which was sparked by a power struggle between military leaders in April 2023.
Both sides have committed atrocities, including executions, extrajudicial killings and sexual violence. It is difficult to collect accurate figures, but it is estimated that at least 150,000 people were killed. About nine million people have been internally displaced, and nearly four million more have fled across the border. About 25 million people now face famine.
Civil society and humanitarian workers are responding as best they can, but they are in the line of fire. She sight death, violence, kidnapping and detention. Emergency orders impose bureaucratic restrictions on civil society organizations and restrict relief operations and freedoms of assembly, expression and movement, while troops also block aid deliveries.
Reporting on the conflict is difficult and dangerous. Nearly all media infrastructure has been destroyed, many newspapers have stopped publishing and both sides are targeting journalists, many of whom have been forced into exile. Extensive disinformation campaigns unclear what is happening on the ground. Mohammed Khamis Doudaspokesman for the Zamzam displaced persons camp, illustrated the dangers for those who tell the truth. He remained in El Fasher to provide crucial updates to the international media. When the RSF invaded, they sought him out and killed him.
The world looks away
Sudan is sometimes called a forgotten war, but it is more accurate to say that the world chooses to ignore it – and this suits several powerful states. The United Arab Emirates (UAE) is the RSF’s largest backer. The country continues to deny this, even though weapons have been produced by the UAE or supplied by allies found on sites recovered from RSF control. Without her support the RSF would probably have lost the war by now.
In recent years, the UAE has worked to cultivate influence among several African states. It has developed a series of ports around Africa, with one planned on the Sudanese part of the Red Sea. It has major agricultural investments in Sudan and receives most of the gold mined there. The UAE has clearly concluded that controlling the RSF is the best way to secure its influence and protect its interests, regardless of the cost in human lives. In response, the Sudanese government has taken steps to improve ties with Russia. It is reported that this could allow Russia to develop a permanent naval base in the Red Sea.
The UAE faces little international pressure as Western states that are strongly aligned with the UAE, including Britain and the US, downplay their role. The British government continues to supply the UAE with weapons knowing these are being handed over to the RSF, while a whistleblower has accused it of removing warnings about possible genocide in Sudan from a risk assessment analysis to protect the UAE. The European Union and Britain responded to El Fasher’s atrocities by impose sanctions The US is said to be considering further sanctions, but these measures never reach the numbers set by the UAE government.
The UN Security Council, of which Britain is the permanent member in charge of Sudan, has also been predictably ineffective. Russia has said it will veto any resolution Britain submits. But in June, Great Britain refused an offer of African states, serving on a rotating basis in the Council, to take over responsibility, something that could have created more room for negotiation.
Of the other countries with regional influence, Egypt is a strong supporter of the Sudanese government, and Saudi Arabia is also somewhat supportive. They come together with the UAE and the US in a forum called the Quad. Despite competing interests, there appeared to be reasons for hope in September when the Quad brokered what was supposed to be a three-month humanitarian truce, followed by a nine-month transition to civilian rule. Both sides accepted the plan, but the RSF continued to fight, causing the Sudanese government to reject the proposal.
Pressure and responsibility
Whether the fighting will be halted will depend on the diplomatic whims of the US. Trump appears to have taken more interest in the conflict lately, likely prompted by Saudi ruler Mohammed bin Salman, who visited the White House in November.
Trump might want to claim he has ended another conflict in his apparent quest for the Nobel Peace Prize, but it is difficult to see progress unless the US government shows a willingness to pressure the UAE, including through tariffs, a blunt instrument Trump has used to force deals on other states. The fact that the Trump administration currently has tariffs at the lowest rate, 10 percent, shows its continued warmth toward the UAE.
Campaigners are trying to draw more attention to the UAE’s central role in the conflict. A highly visible focus is basketball: the NBA has one extensive and growing sponsorship agreement with the UAE, part of the regime’s efforts to improve its international reputation. Civil society campaigners are calling on the NBA to end its partnership, and their plea could help move Sudan up the U.S. agenda.
The international community has the power to stop the killings, but it must first recognize the role the UAE and its Western allies have played in it. All those involved in the conflict, inside and outside Sudan, must put aside their narrow self-interests. The UAE, its allies and the other Quad states should be under greater pressure to broker a genuine ceasefire as a first step towards peace, and use their influence over the warring parties to ensure they adhere to it.
Andreas Firmin is CIVICUS editor-in-chief, co-director and writer for Citizen lens and co-author of Report on the state of civil society.
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© Inter Press Service (20251230071525) — All rights reserved. Original source: Inter Press Service
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