James discusses this week’s developments in the Middle East on Radio Islam.
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[Anchor] It’s 7:43 am, Central African Time, you’re listening to Radio Islam International, live from our studios in Durban, this Friday morning, and around a quarter to two it’s our time for the Middle East Report, and with us is James M. Dorsey, award-winning scholar and journalist with a different perspective on the Middle East. Don’t forget, you can subscribe to James’ newsletter and blog, The Turbulent World of Middle East Soccer, and visit his website jamesmdorsey.substack.com to get a perspective of James’ thoughts and his articles and opinions on issues coming out of the Middle East and the greater world. Well, James, good day to you. Thank you for joining us.
{James M Dorsey} As always, a pleasure to be with you on this Friday morning.
[Anchor} James, US President Donald
Trump, in addition to the other issues he’s addressing at home, this time, you
know what, on an anti-Somalia rant, but nonetheless, turning the screws on
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu as policy towards Israel, and the Middle East
emerges as a main fault line, or the main fault line, in the President’s Make
America Great MAGA support base.
I mean, that base itself is a divided base,
you know, nonetheless, although it may have one rallying point, and that’s the
President himself. In recent days, Mr. Trump has nudged Mr. Netanyahu to abide
by the Gaza ceasefire, facilitate the surrender of trapped Hamas fighters,
refrain from attacks in Syria, and engage in negotiations with Lebanon, as
opposed to airstrikes which have plagued that area for, renewed thereof. Your
thoughts on that, James?
[James M. Dorsey] Indeed. In addition to the pressure being exerted on Gaza, Syria and Lebanon, Trump is well aware that Israel represents the latest fault line in the white nationalist domination of his Make America Great Again support base. The Make America Great Again crowd has already adopted four of the five key principles of the far right, including reducing immigration to maintain white dominance, a perception of relations between whites and non-whites, and Christians and non-Christians as a zero-sum game, the ranking of Americans based on race, religion, and how far back they can trace the presence of their ancestors in the country, and identity politics.
Meanwhile, Western and Arab diplomats expect the Trump administration to announce the formation of a Palestinian commission, made up of unaffiliated Gazans, to run the day-to-day affairs of the Gaza Strip ahead of Benjamin Netanyahu’s visit to Washington at the end of this month. milestone.
[Anchor] James, going back, I mean, all those years ago, 24 years ago, this is the premise of our next question, regarding the September 11 attacks, the September 11 attacks. Now there is a straight line connecting Osama bin Laden’s alleged destruction of multiculturalism to the destruction of the 9-11 towers years ago, and to mainstream racism, especially in the form of Islamophobia and anti-Semitism. Many writers would suggest that there was a major catalyst; this was the turning point where the country, and many in the Western world for that matter, saw a rise in Islamophobia, anti-Semitism and various forms of racism, shattering this multicultural dream that many, whom the world sometimes calls liberals, already had in a postmodern world. Your opinion on that?
[James M. Dorsey] Well, what started with September 11 has become government policy in several Western democracies, with France, backed by the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia, trying to define what constitutes moderate Islam and regulate how Muslims should dress. Donald Trump took the policy a step further this week after an Afghan shot two West Virginia National Guard members in Washington, killing one. He cast all Afghan migrants as suspects, ordered a review of green cards issued to nationals of 19 countries, half of them Muslim-majority countries, and halted the issuance of visas to citizens of all Third World countries.
Furthermore, he launched an outright racist attack on the Somali community in the United States, and Somalia as a country, calling them trash. Meanwhile, the Make America Great Again crowd is struggling to come to grips with rising anti-Semitism in its ranks, fueled by Israel’s behavior in the Gaza war, and the perception of Israel’s outsized influence over American policymaking and the divergent interests of the US and Israel.
[Anchor] James, returning to issues related to the Middle East that are directly involved in financial crises. Now the Houthis, the group of course, the Houthis in Yemen, are resuming threats against Saudi Arabia. Saudi Arabia was pretty much involved in the attacks on the Houthis, them and the Emiratis in particular, a number of years ago.
They had stopped actual military incursions and military attacks, but once again the Houthis appeared to threaten Saudi Arabia.
[James M. Dorsey] Since halting their attacks on international shipping after the Gaza ceasefire took effect in November, the Houthis have stepped up their verbal attacks against Saudi Arabia. They have accused the kingdom of collaborating with Israel and threatened to resume cross-border attacks if Saudi Arabia does not lift its economic blockade of Houthi-controlled areas in Yemen. Houthis need the lift to tackle an economic crisis.
Israeli attacks have damaged ports and Houthi-controlled businesses. Moreover, the American sanctions are having an effect. The Houthis hope their threats will convince the Saudis to pay public sector salaries in Houthi-controlled areas, something that was part of the stalled peace talks and would provide relief.
The Houthis’ stepped-up rhetoric raises the specter of renewed hostilities.
[Anchor] Meanwhile, increased tensions with Yemen are sharpening the divide between Saudi Arabia’s and the United Arab Emirates’ policies in Yemen.
[James M. Dorsey] The differences between Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates over the crises in Yemen and Sudan are increasing. Last month in Washington, Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman urged Trump to mediate between the Saudi-backed Sudanese forces and the rebel-backed Rapid Support Forces.
In Yemen, the UAE supports the Southern Transitional Council, which wants southern Yemen to secede from the Houthi-controlled north of the country, while Saudi Arabia prefers to see Yemen remain united and has indicated it can accept Houthi rule. The Council moved into Yemen’s resource-rich Hadhramaut region this week. In response, Saudi officials visited Hadhramaut and called for the withdrawal of Council forces.
As Council forces seek to take control of an oil company operating two Hadhramaut oil fields, there is a risk that developments in the region could break the de facto lull in the fighting in Yemen.
[Anchor] James M. Dorsey, thank you for your time this morning with us in South Africa. Enjoy your weekend, James.
[James M. Dorsey] Thank you for having me, and I wish you all the best.
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